中华文明与中国道路
Chinese Civilization and Path
潘 岳
Pan Yue
2019年11月
November 2019
中共十九届四中全会就推进“国家治理体系与治理能力现代化”做出重大战略部署。习近平主席强调，“一个国家治理体系与能力与这个国家的历史传承和文化传统密切相关，解决中国的问题只能在中国大地上探寻适合自己的道路和办法。”道路决定命运，文化传统决定道路选择。数千年来，中华文明塑造了中国特色社会主义道路的文明根性。
A major strategy was adopted for advancing the modernization of China’s system and capacity for governance at the fourth plenary session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC). As Chinese President Xi Jinping stressed, the governance system and capacity of a country is closely related with its history and cultural traditions, and the solution to China’s issues can only be found in China. The destiny hinges upon the path taken, which is determined by cultural tradition. The path of socialism with Chinese characteristics has been shaped by the Chinese civilization of several thousand years.
一、中华文明的核心要义是“大一统”传统
今天论坛的主题，是中华文明与中国道路。中华文明的核心要义大一统，就是制度统一、政令统一、文化统一。这个概念，很多西方朋友不喜欢，但这个概念恰好是理解中国道路的核心。从中国历史上来看，大一统包含几个方面:
一是中央集权的政治制度。郡县制确保中央权力可以在基层运行，解决央地离心倾向;科举制打破阶层固化，开放国家权力和治理体系;文官制保证王权与士大夫集团共治天下;乡绅制反映朝野协同共治基层。因为大一统传统，中国创造了世界唯一不中断的“分久必合”的中国奇迹。
二是以文化认同塑造民族认同。是否是中华民族一员，不是靠种族，不是靠地缘，不是靠宗教，而是靠文化。所谓“诸侯用夷礼则夷之，夷而进于中国则中国之”。即是说生于中华之族群，不认同中华文化，就非中华之人;不生在中华地域的族群，只要认同中华文化，就是中华之人。历史上，任何一个少数民族政权定鼎中原，都主动选择继承发展中华文明大一统体系。例如蒙元创造了中央集权制度中的“行省制”，满清创造了包括西藏新疆在内的多民族边疆治理体系。因此，中华文明大一统体系也是多民族共同创造的。正因为大一统民族之道，中华文明不是西方意义上的现代民族国家，更不是西方意义上的帝国霸权，而是“多元一体”的中华民族共同体。
三是中华文明永远开放包容。中华文明从未拒绝过任何一种外来文化， 也从来不宣称自己已经进化到了历史的终点。不论强弱，都不搞封闭，不放弃学习。任何一种宗教和文化进入中国，都会自觉不自觉地淡化非此即彼的排他性，因为多元和包容是中华文明的又一核心价值。
四是协和万邦的世界秩序。中华文明崇尚“美人之美、美美与共”，主张和合共生、互利共贏。因为大一统和平之道，传统中国没有像西方帝国那样进行对外军事征服，没有靠殖民霸权，没有派任何儒生去世界强行文化输出。所谓的朝贡体系也主要是礼尚往来。
很多西方学者认为，所谓“大一统”观念，是因为先建立了中央集权的政治制度，为了符合政治需要才发明出的意识形态。实际并非如此。在秦汉大一统王朝之前几百年，战国百家争鸣的时代里，大一统思想就在诸子百家各派中讨论。尽管诸子百家思想分歧极大，但在“定于一”上都有共识。他们不约而同将治乱问题放在政治问题的首位，将统一的秩序放在了政治价值的首位。其中一个重要原因是，中国是超大规模国家，只有大一统体系才能维持稳定。
仅从军事史来看。先看古希腊古罗马。雅典在其鼎盛时期伯罗奔尼撒战争开始时最多只能动员1.3万人参战。亚历山大大帝征服欧亚的部队只有4万人。罗马史上伤亡最大的战争坎尼之战，只死亡6万人。而和古希腊古罗马同时的中国战国时期，大小战争多达230次，死亡10万-40万或出兵20万-60万之间的超大规模战争，就有十几次之多；死亡4-6万人只能算中小型战争。
可以说，中国作为超大规模国家的战争烈度，远远超过西方;因政治分立的造成的战争死亡和痛苦，也远远超过西方。正是这个巨大的代价，从历史源头塑造了中华文明的政治观。超大规模的政治体，如果没有大一统体系，将会产生超大规模的人道主义危机。稳定与秩序，是中国人的第一政治，亦是中国人的集体经验，任何政治理论都无法动摇。
1. The Grand Unification tradition sits at the heart of the Chinese civilization
The theme of the forum today is Chinese civilization and path. The Grand Unification that lies at the heart of the Chinese civilization is about unifying systems, government decrees, and cultures, which many in the West loathe but exactly explains the essence of China’s path. From the perspective of the Chinese history, the Grand Unification includes the following elements:
First, a centralized political system. The system of prefectures and counties ensures the power of the central government can be exercised at the grassroots level to prevent local governments from pulling away from the central government; the imperial examination system promotes social mobility to usher in a system of state power and governance accessible to the general public; the civil service system guarantees a joint rule by royalty and the shidafu scholar-bureaucrat class; and the local gentry system reflects a shared push by the court and the commonalty to govern the grassroots. It is this Grand Unification that has made China create its miracle, which is unique in the world: the world, after a long period of division, tends to unite.
Second, national identity shaped by cultural identity. The Chinese nation is not defined by race, geography, or religion, but by culture. As is said in the Spring and Autumn Annals or Chunqiu, anyone who is born in China but disagrees with the Chinese culture is not a member of the Chinese nation, while anyone who is not born in China but agrees with the Chinese culture is a member of the Chinese nation. Any ethnic minority regime that ruled China volunteered to retain and carry forward the Grand Unification. For example, the Mongolian ethnic group in the Yuan Dynasty introduced the system of administrative provinces within the centralized framework, and the Man ethnic group in the Qing Dynasty created a multi-ethnic system of governing the border regions including Tibet and Xinjiang. In this sense, the Grand Unification system of the Chinese nation is also the result of the joint efforts by China’s multiple ethnic groups. Hence, the Chinese civilization is not a modern nation state or an imperial hegemon in the Western context, but actually a community of the Chinese nation with ethnic groups diversified yet integrated as one.
Third, the Chinese civilization that has always been open and inclusive. The Chinese civilization has never rejected any foreign cultures, nor did it assert that it has evolved to the end of history. No matter how strong or weak it was, it never isolated itself from the world or ceased to learn. Any religion or culture coming into China would see its exclusiveness fade, as the Chinese civilization is characterized by diversity and inclusion.
Fourth, a harmonious world order. The Chinese civilization upholds the notion of accepting the beauties of other civilizations and sharing all the beauties, and advocates harmony and mutual benefit for win-win results. Because of the peaceful path taken to the Grand Unification, traditional China didn’t venture out to conquer other countries militarily as the empires in the West, seek hegemony through colonialism, or export its culture through any Confucian scholars. And its tributary system was built on the notion that says propriety suggests reciprocity.
Many scholars in the West believe that the Grand Unification is an ideology invented to meet political demands following the establishment of the centralized political system. But it’s actually not the case. In the hundreds of years prior to the unified empire in the Qin and Han dynasties, which is the Warring States period, the idea of the Grand Unification was already discussed by the hundred schools of thought. The various schools of thought had bitter disputes over ideas, but they all reached agreement on unification. One of the key reasons why they tacitly took suppression of revolts as the top political problem to be reckoned with and put unification first is that only a grand unification system could stabilize such a vast country as China.
Take a look at the military history in Ancient Greece and Rome. Even in its heyday, Greece could only send 13,000 soldiers at most to fight in the Peloponnesian War as it broke out. Alexander the Great conquered Eurasia with only 40,000 soldiers. In the Battle of Cannae as the war registering the largest number of casualties in the history of the Roman Empire, only 60,000 soldiers died. But in the contemporaneous Warring States period in China, there were as many as 230 wars, large or small, and over a dozen of mega wars that caused 100,000 to 400,000 deaths or involved 200,000 to 600,000 troops, which means wars that resulted in 40,000 to 60,000 deaths were deemed small and medium-sized wars in China at that time.
So it’s fair to say that China as a vast country has experienced far more fierce wars as well as fatalities and pain in wars caused by political divide than countries in the West. And it is this huge price that China has paid that has shaped the political outlook of the Chinese nation. Without a system of grand unification, a country as vast as China would see a huge humanitarian crisis. That’s why stability and order have always come the first for the Chinese people and are the invaluable experience that the Chinese people have gained throughout the history, which remains unshakable in whatever political theories.
二、根植于马克思主义与中华文明的中国道路
常有西方朋友问我，什么是中国特色社会主义。我说，实质意义就是社会主义与中华文明紧密结合，也就是马克思主义中国化。这便是我们为何与苏联不同的原因。中华文明是马克思主义落地生根的文化土壤，马克思主义是中华文明的现代转型的关键动力，中国共产党将两者深度结合。
基于中华文明政治一统思想，我们将马克思主义国家理论中国化为中国特色国家治理体系和治理能力。通过民族区域自治，不同民族和谐共处;通过“一国两制”，不同制度并行共处;通过央地统合，发挥中央统筹和地方积极性;通过大统战，促进阶层统合与人心凝聚。
基于中华文明社会结构，我们将马克思主义无产阶级专政理论中国化为“人民民主专政”。新中国的政权基础不仅是工人阶级，而且还包括工农联盟、民族资产阶级和小资产阶级在内的四万万同胞。
基于中华文明协商共治传统，我们将马克思主义民主理论中国化为中国特色民主政治实践。协商民主与选举民主有机结合，一党执政与多党参政有机结合，既代表直接利益，更代表根本利益，不断实践实质民主。
基于中华文明经济治理传统，我们将马克思主义公有制理论、列宁的新经济政策中国化为混合所有制经济制度。将社会主义与市场经济相结合，在公有制为主体的前提下，多种所有制经济共同发展，国有企业和民营企业都是自己人。
基于中华文明天人合一思想，我们将马克思主义生态观中国化为社会主义生态文明。中国不走西方依靠战争和殖民而完成原始积累的工业化老路。我们依靠社会主义体制的力量，不仅能避免资本主义唯利是图导致的生态危机，还能进行更高效的环境治理以实现社会公平正义。
基于中华文明政教传统，我们将马克思主义宗教观中国化为中国特色新型政教关系。关键是立足“政主教从、多元通和”历史经验，推进宗教和谐宽容。
基于中华文明民族治理体系，我们将马克思主义民族观中国化为中国特色解决民族问题之路。中国既不会通过削弱多样性来强化国家认同;也不会因为要保持多样性而削弱国家认同。民族区域自治制度不是强化民族间的特殊性和差异性，而是以特殊优惠政策调动各民族积极性，为中华民族共同体添砖加瓦。
基于中华文明贤能政治传统，我们将马克思主义先锋队理论中国化为“两个先锋队”。中国共产党既是工人阶级先锋队，又是中国人民和中华民族先锋队，是民族性与阶级性的有机统一。我们不是少部分人的利益代表，而是全民族的利益代表;不是选举机器，而是执政为民的使命型政党;不是严重脱离人民的私利集团，不输出革命，而是有着自我革命精神与严明政治纪律的革命型政党。以上马克思主义中国化的例子还有很多。
2. The Chinese path rooted in Marxism and the Chinese civilization
Some friends in the West often asked me what the socialism with Chinese characteristics really is. I told them that it’s in essence a perfect blend of socialism and the Chinese civilization, or localization of Marxism in China. That is why we are different from the Soviet Union. The Chinese civilization provides a cultural breeding ground for Marxism to take root and flourish, while Marxism provides a key impetus to modern transition of the Chinese civilization. And it is the CPC that has integrated the two.
Based on the Grand Unification thought of the Chinese civilization, we have localized the Marxist doctrine of the state as the system and capacity for governance with the Chinese characteristics. Regional autonomy of ethnic minorities ensures different ethnic groups live in harmony; the “One Country, Two Systems” model ensures two different systems operate without conflict; the coordination between the central and local governments ensures the role of the central government to centralize and the motivation of local governments; and the grand united front work ensures people of all ranks and classes can be united as one.
Based on the social structure of the Chinese civilization, we have localized the Marxist dictatorship of the proletariat as the people’s democratic dictatorship. The regime of China following the founding of the People’s Republic of China has been built not only on the working class, but the worker-peasant alliance, the national bourgeoisie, and the petite bourgeoisie.
Based on the tradition of the Chinese civilization to jointly govern through consultation, we have localized the Marxist theory of democracy as the practice of democratic politics with Chinese characteristics. Combining consultative democracy with electoral democracy and one-party rule with multi-party participation in politics represents not only the immediate interest but the fundamental interest, which is an ongoing process of practicing substantive democracy.
Based on the economic governance tradition of the Chinese civilization, we have localized the Marxist theory of public ownership and Lenin’s New Economic Policy as the economic system of mixed ownership. We have integrated socialism with the market economy to have an economic system with public ownership playing a dominant role and diverse forms of ownership developing side by side, where the state-owned and private enterprises are both regarded as our own people.
Based on the thought of the Chinese civilization that says man is an integral part of nature, we have localized the Marxist view on ecology as the socialist ecological civilization. China would not embark on the path to primitive accumulation through wars or colonization as the West did, but would instead resort to the socialist system to avoid the ecological crisis caused by the venality of capitalism and embrace more efficient environmental governance for social justice and fairness.
Based on the tradition of the Chinese civilization for regime and religion, we have localized the Marxist view on religion as the new relations between regime and religion with Chinese characteristics. The key is to create a harmonious and inclusive environment for religion based on the historical experience of allowing regime to play a dominant role and religion to play second fiddle in a way that encourages diversification and harmony.
Based on the ethnic governance system of the Chinese civilization, we have localized the Marxist view on ethnicity as a solution to ethnic issues with the Chinese characteristics. China would not enhance national identity by weakening diversity, or erode national identity to maintain diversity. China’s regional autonomy of ethnic minorities is not about highlighting ethnic particularity or disparity, but about motivating all ethnic groups with special and preferential policies to contribute to the community of the Chinese nation.
Based on the political meritocracy tradition of the Chinese civilization, we have localized the Marxist vanguard theory as two vanguards. The CPC is both the vanguard of the working class and the vanguard of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation, which integrates nationality with class. We are representative of not the minority but the whole nation; we are not a voting machine but a mission-driven party for the people; and we are not a self-interest group that divorces ourselves far away from the people, but a revolutionary party that doesn’t export revolutions but seeks for self-targeted revolution and strict political discipline. And there are many more such examples of localizing Marxism in China.
第三，中国道路的世界意义
一是中国道路打破了“历史终结论”。历史不可能终结,应终结的该是偏见。如今，“本国优先”“逆全球化”思潮蔓延世界，中国将反其道而行，高举新型全球化旗帜，积极参与全球治理。
二是中国道路打破了“西方中心论”。中国靠的是集中力量办大事、集中力量办成事。为发展中国家现代化提供新的体制参照。现代化不等于西方化，更不等于美国化。
三是中国道路打破了“国强必霸论”。中国不会陷入西方霸权冲突的历史周期律。中国即使是在综合实力最强的时候，也没有对外殖民掠夺、没有炮舰政策、没有强加于人的不平等条约。无论是积极倡导“一带一路”，还是主动参与全球治理，我们都把对内改革与对外开放统一起来，把中国发展与世界发展联系起来，把中国人民利益同各国人民共同利益结合起来。
四是中国道路打破了“文明冲突论”。这为促进多元文明交流互鉴提供了新的力量。西方宣扬的所谓普世价值，如果没有与中华文明对话交流，肯定不会是“普世”的。中华文明如果不与西方文明对话交流，同样不能实现创新性发展。只有多元文明交流互鉴，我们才能更为妥善地平衡个体与群体、责任与自由、义务与权利、德治与法治、道义与利益、本国与世界的关系，从而淬炼真正的人类共同价值。
3. The significance of the Chinese path to the world
First, the Chinese path has overturned the notion of the End of History. It is bias not history that has an end. As the world is gripped by the ideological trend that calls for putting one’s own country first and reversing globalization, China will buck the trend by holding high the banner of new globalization and actively participating in global governance.
Second, the Chinese path has overturned the West-centrism. China has proved the effectiveness of focusing all the resources on undertaking and pulling off tasks, which serves as a new reference for developing countries to modernize. Modernization is not tantamount to westernization, much less Americanization.
Third, the Chinese path has overturned the conclusion that says a country that rises to a power would always seek hegemony. China would not get into any conflict over hegemony as the West did. Even as we saw our comprehensive national strength rising to the highest level, we didn’t initiate colonization or plundering, adopt any gunboat policy, or impose any unequal treaty on other countries. Whether it be the Belt and Road Initiative or an active part in global governance, we have always integrated internal reform with opening-up, our own development with global development, and the interest of the Chinese people with the shared interest of all the people around the world.
Fourth, the Chinese path has overturned the belief in the clash of civilizations, providing fresh impetus to communication among different civilizations. Without a dialogue with the Chinese civilization, the so-called universal values preached by the West would certainly not be universal in the first place. And vice versa: the Chinese civilization would not achieve innovative development if it doesn’t communicate with the Western civilization. Only through communication can we strike a better balance between individuals and groups, responsibility and freedom, obligations and rights, rule of virtue and rule of law, morality and interest, and country and the world, and extract the real values shared by humanity.
